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Written by Firuz Dawlat Abadi
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Tuesday, 10 February 2009 20:25 |
 With the advent of the Industrial Revolution and the expansion of relations
among countries of the world, transnational and regional dependency of countries
on one another gradually increased. Subsequent to the rivalry among great
industrial powers then emerging in Europe, a new division in their essential
formation appeared. Domination escalated and promoted to the extent that
military occupation, formal colonization and ordered appointment formed the
principal structure of international relations in its conception at the time. On
one hand, throughout the period of influence of the said transformations the
relations among countries became more complex and intense everyday in such a way
that the ruling class in the countries under domination becomes more durable and
firm commensurate to its compliance with the wishes of the dominant powers. On
the other hand, the periodic movements for independence and struggles of the
nations for deliverance from domination, though succeeded in shaking the then
evolving order in the world, were incapable of effecting fundamental and
infrastructural changes in the structure and operation of the international
relations. As such, cleavage among the countries became wider everyday. Due to
this further fragmentation, the power and capability of the backward countries
to exert influence in important international issues diminished.
During the initial years of the twentieth century, the world bore witness to two
fundamental transformations in international relations. First, the share of the
backward countries in important international decisions decreased. Second, the
strategic rivalries among the European countries intensified. The
intensification of these rivalries finally led to the occurrence of two world
wars, the Second World War in particular. Amid the dire consequences of the
Second World War, the world witnessed the appearance of a new order foreboding
the bipolar system arrangements under the leadership of America in the Western
camp and the ex-Soviet Union in the Eastern camp. This important and historic
event, which set up new design of the world politics, had some ensuing outcomes:
First, the unknown countries of the Third World as subjects were transformed
into role players in the relations of the rival independent variable poles.
Second, such a trend could inevitably tone down zeal for independence among the
countries of the world.
Third, the technical concept of ‘independence’ turned to mean a sort of
dependency on one of the power poles and keeping aloof from the other pole. This
statement does not mean denying the endeavors of the national and religious
leaders of the diverse countries in the world, rather, the point is we should
know that none of the abovementioned events led to the presentation of an
independent doctrine in the international system. Even the steps undertaken in
India were not a model for revolution in other countries. It is because the
leadership of Gandhi had no movement and motive for the export of revolution in
itself. Secondly, in view of the constant traditions, culture and civilization
of India, it had utmost emphasis on the creation of a political-populist
structure based upon passive and seclusion-oriented individualism innate in the
Hindu tradition. In the end, negation of one of the two main poles of power in
the East and West was the objective of political endeavor of the humanist Hindu
society.
In the same vein, the struggles of the Maoist peasants (village versus city) in
China were in the first place not in pursuit of the realization of independence
of the countries in the world. Secondly, more than consolidating the
anti-Western capitalism front in the world, it became a factor in creating
cleavage within the leftist camp of the East. Due to incapability in its
political and international choices, it was initially isolated from among the
leftist and radical groups and then it became weak in the global level.
As a result, in a brief study of the historical developments in the political
systems and units of the world and the expanding relations among states
particularly after the first Industrial Revolution, French Revolution, American
independence, and the dominance of the colonial system in the world, the more it
was nearer to the twentieth century and the First World War, the chance of
coming into existence of sovereign and steadfast countries against the wishes
and inclinations of European industrial countries was less and rare. Such was
the state of affairs until finally, with the victory of the Bolsheviks in 1917
in Tsarist Russia; the formation of the former Soviet Union; the fundamental
transformations in many geopolitical regions of the time; the outbreak of the
Second World War; and the powerful rise of America in the political scene of the
world, the inclination for independence in many Third World countries commenced.
Yet, apart from what have been said earlier, the existence or establishment of a
government independent from the wish of the superpowers was no longer possible
in practice. Of course, as stated earlier, it did and does not suggest the
absence of transformation in the world of politics. For, we have been witness to
the ostensible independence of so many countries. We have seen various movements
of nationalist and non-nationalist, religious and secular genuine forces.
Nevertheless, what is important and the point of this article is as follows:
First, none of the struggles led to the creation of sovereign political units
especially in the initial part of the twentieth century;
Second, in case of the existence of inclination for independence, it was still
incapable of creating a sovereign political unit vis-à-vis the superpowers;
Lastly, with the absence of an experienced and independent model for revolution
and achieving independence, the developing countries were wandering only within
the circuit of dependency on one pole to another. The world indeed became the
chessboard of the superpowers. The disappointed and disillusioned intellectuals
and revolutionaries were on the verge of surrender.
In this tortuous, long and winding journey, in terms of the importance of
geopolitical regions the world was subjected to profound transformations and
necessarily assumed a particular form for itself. On account of the importance
of a region for one of the two powers, its possible influence there exacerbated
while control of a region became important. In terms of management in those
regions, in view of the importance of countries, they appointed more dependent
personnel office.
In broader dimensions, among these regions the Persian Gulf was identified as
the most important region of the world and Iran among the countries of the
region as the most important country existing in the Western bloc. In
substantiating this hypothesis, it is enough for us to review the distant and
recent past accounts of our country (Iran) from the time of the coming to power
of the Ottoman Empire in Turkey up to the time of the disintegration of the
former Soviet Union. A historical study shows that during these long years among
the Third World countries, there has not been any country as much as Iran in
involvement in the international conflicts and developments. The more precise
meaning of this statement in the world of politics is that if in any part of the
world the possibility is ever imagined of the occurrence of revolution and
establishment of a government independent from the dictate and approval of the
superpowers, in view of its geopolitical importance in the region, its
neighborhood with the main rival of the West (i.e. the erstwhile Soviet Union),
and its dominance in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz region in the most
complex era of international relations throughout human history in the most
strategic region of the world and in the most important Third World country for
the Western bloc and America, in the case of Iran, which was named as the
gendarme of the region and “island of stability,”1 even to imagine revolution
was impossible.
With such a conviction, it can indeed be said that Imam Khomeini did not stage a
revolution in Iran. Rather, he made an outburst, which in his own words, was “an
outburst of light”—a great outburst that only the great prophets of God were
able to do so throughout history. After a five-century stormy period in which
the scroll of ecclesiastical authorities was complex in the West while the pure
Muhammadan Islam was isolated from the political scene in the East, he again
introduced religion, labeled by Karl Marx as “the opium of the masses”, as the
most pivotal factor in the movement of nations in the political scenes of the
world.
He transformed religious beliefs into factors of great ardor and sensational
resurgence in a country and in face of a government that had undoubtedly the
most dependent political structure on the West in the contemporary history of
Iran. What Imam Khomeini had done did not end here. In fact, he achieved a
greater success. He offered a model for the independence of nations in the
world, and not a model for dependency. It was a task, which none of the
prominent thinkers and statesmen of the world was capable to perform, and it was
accomplished through the reliance on, and use of, the most forgotten instrument
in the world, i.e. ‘faith’. He planted a sapling which no storm can be able to
uproot. By relying on this weapon and reviving the love for martyrdom, he became
the only individual at least in the past two centuries, who formally and openly
humiliated all the heads of kufr in the political scene, pushing to the ground
the arrogance-tainted nose of the West. The dominance of his discourse cast a
shadow on most thinkers. Zbigniew Brzezinski borrowed from the Imam’s message to
Gorbachev the idea of the breakup of the Soviet Union. In imitation to him the
Pope brought politics again into the Christian world. Above all, through him
Islam began to experience a new spring. He set up a revolution, which in the
words of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatullah Sayyid Ali
Khamene'i , is “not known in any part of the world without his name”. With the
exception of the prophetic mission of Moses (‘a), the Interlocutor with God,
more than two thousand five hundred years ago, Jesus Christ (‘a) two thousand
years ago, and finally the Muhammadan outburst of light fourteen centuries ago,
no other event and revolution in the world is comparable to his revolution with
respect to substance, value and profundity. The only difference among these
outbursts of light is that the great prophets (‘a) attained this important
achievement through revelation [wahy] and inspiration [ilham] in the case of the
Imam. For, he was nourished by the school of the Messenger of Allah (s ) and the
Infallible Imams (‘a). His revolution was a successful attempt to restore the
authentic Islam and invite the people of the world toward this truth. The
theoretical sources of political-religious thoughts of that great and sagacious
sage can be known amid the Qur’anic verses, and the words and tradition of the
Messenger of God (s ) and the Infallible Imams (‘a).
The greatest mission of the thinker of the present time and particularly the
Islamic theological seminaries is - through a meticulous study of the stances
and directives of that great sublime model - to revive the illustrious early
period of Islam and guard the light of guidance that he set ablaze.
Notes:
1. US President Jimmy Carter told the Shah in Tehran on January 1, 1978: “Iran
is an island of stability in one of the most troubled areas of the world. This
is a great tribute to you, Your Majesty, and to your leadership and to the
respect, admiration and love which your people give to you.” New York Times,
January 2, 1978.
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Selected article from Imam Khomeini And The International System. Originally published as 'Four Upheavals in History: Status of the Islamic Revolution and the Historic Role of Imam Khomeini in the Contemporary World'. Written by Firuz Dawlat Abadi.
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May Allah make us amongst those whose paths are made radiant by His light.